By Kabir Adamu | The President Bola Tinubu administration, inaugurated on 29th May 2023, inherited a country grappling with a persistent and escalating crisis of insecurity despite the efforts of previous administrations.
The complex challenges the Tinubu administration inherited, characterised by a diverse array of threats, have exacted a devastating toll on human lives, displaced a sizeable number of citizens, and strained the country's social and economic foundations.
President Tinubu has a list of well-articulated and mostly commendable policy imperatives in his “Renewed Hope Agenda” and he has appointed a team of outstanding individuals as the security sector leadership. However, improvement in public safety has remained largely elusive. In fact, there has been a disturbing surge in insecurity in some parts of the country, particularly in Plateau, Benue, Borno and Niger states. Also concerning is a growing perception among the populace that politicking for 2027 elections is taking precedence over security sector governance.
To turn this around and restore public confidence, a high-level policy response is required. Such policy response must ensure the implementation of the administration’s policy imperatives and move beyond reactive measures. It must address the multifaceted drivers of instability and lay the groundwork for a truly sustainable peace in the country. This paper analyses the current state of insecurity, explores the underlying causes, assesses the limitations of existing responses, and proposes a strategic framework for containing the slide and ensuring long-term security across the country.
The Evolving Landscape of Insecurity (2023 to 2025)
The concern over a surge in insecurity in Nigeria is justified by several security incident databases, local and international such as Beacon Security and Intelligence Limited[1], a renowned local firm, and the Armed Conflict and Event Data (ACLED)[2], that show in the two years that President Tinubu has been at the helm, security related fatalities have increased by 20.36%. A comparative analysis of the last two years of the immediate past government of President Muhammadu Buhari and the first two years of the incumbent shows declines in security incident count (36.35% decrease) and abduction rate (41.12% decrease) but an increase (20.36%) in fatality count. In the last two years of the Buhari administration, the number of security incidents (armed attacks, bomb explosions, criminality, demonstrations, homicide and mob violence) was 10,872, which resulted in 17,366 abductions and 14,217 fatalities. And in the two years that President Tinubu has been at the helm of affairs, 6920 security incidents were recorded. Although this is much lower than the Buhari administration’s last two years, they led to 10,225 abductions (also much lower) but to 17,111 fatalities, which is much higher. The paradox here is that of increasing fatalities despite decrease in number of security-related incidents.
Figures from BSIL[3] and ACLED[4] and the Institute for Peace (IEP)[5] show there has been a slight reduction in terrorism-related deaths but significant increase in fatalities caused by other violent crimes such as banditry and inter-communal and militia-associated attacks.
In its 2024 Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey (CESPS)[6], the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Nigeria’s official statistical agency, showed a similarly alarming state of insecurity in Nigeria. Published around December 17-18, 2024, the report offered a granular, albeit contested, look into the experiences of Nigerian households concerning crime and their perceptions of safety between May 2023 and April 2024. The CESPS serves as a stark reminder of the pervasive insecurity, the economic toll of criminality, and the critical erosion of public trust in law enforcement agencies.
The manifestations of insecurity in Nigeria are diverse and geographically widespread, as none of the six geo-political zones is spared. From the traditional hotspots in the North East to the relatively safe Federal Capital Territory, several communities across the country continue to face a daily reality of violence and fear.
May 2025 marked a significant juncture as the President Tinubu administration reached its midterm. This period was characterised by a concerted effort by the government to project stability and progress through various engagements, ranging from international visits and events to domestic pronouncements on national diversity, promises for youth empowerment, and official self-assessments with claims of high scores in different sectors including security. However, these official narratives unfolded against a persistent and deeply concerning backdrop of unresolved political tensions, profound socio-economic difficulties, pervasive insecurity, and significant questions regarding governance and accountability.
Presidential spokesman, Mr. Bayo Onanuga, announced an ambitious December 2025 deadline[7] for security agencies to ‘quell’ nationwide insecurity, citing military efforts that secured key transport routes such as the Abuja-Kaduna highway. Onanuga[8] and National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu[9], separately highlighted official figures claiming significant tactical successes, including the killing of 13,543 terrorists/bandits, arrests of 17,500 suspects, rescues of 9,821 hostages, and the surrender of 24,000 insurgents. They attributed these to initiatives such as increase in troops’ allowances, life insurance for soldiers, defence capability upgrades, and the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) Bill. Ribadu had additional claims to successes in the North West, including 11,250 hostages freed and several warlords neutralised, and in the South East, where IPOB's sit-at-home orders were losing their grip and police stations were reopening. He also noted progress in cybersecurity, with the Binance case exposing crypto-linked economic sabotage and the establishment of the National Digital Forensic Laboratory.
In his second anniversary address, President Tinubu recounted the challenges inherited by his administration and detailed policies implemented under his "Renewed Hope Agenda", reaffirming commitments to tackling economic instability, improving security, reducing corruption, and reforming governance[10]. On Security improvements, the president highlighted improved inter-agency collaboration, the restoration of order in some bandit-controlled regions leading to safer highways and the return of displaced farmers, and successful hostage rescues.
The Tinubu government increased budgetary allocations for the security sector from N1.25 trillion in 2023 to N3.25 trillion in 2024 and further to around N6.1 trillion in 2025,[11] with the 2025 budget representing a 388% increase on the figure for 2023. It has also established new structures to address some of the root causes of insecurity, including the Livestock Development Ministry aimed at tackling frequent deadly clashes between farmers and nomadic herders, and the National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education (NCAOOSC), which could help in ensuring that vulnerable children are not recruited by armed groups to perpetrate violence.
Same as its predecessors, the Tinubu-led federal government has attempted to give autonomy to Local Government Areas, the third tier of government and the closest to the grassroots in Nigeria, which might help in ensuring closer and more effective monitoring of security situations and accountability. Further measures aimed at consolidating the relative peace in the oil-producing Niger-Delta region has helped in boosting Nigeria’s oil production (from about 900,000 bpd in 2023 to about 1.7 million bpd currently.)
Understanding the Drivers and Triggers of Insecurity in Nigeria
There are economic, socio-political, governance and environmental reasons for the recent surge in insecurity in Nigeria. The current political landscape and the unfolding dynamics, particularly in the lead-up to the 2027 elections and with the early commencement of politicking, significantly exacerbate insecurity and suggesting a weaponisation of insecurity by the political class. This "weaponization of insecurity" manifests in several ways, including the use of violence to disrupt elections, the targeting of specific communities or groups, and the manipulation of information to create fear and instability.[12]
Security threats are converging: new radicalised groups with international affiliations are becoming active in the North West and North Central, jihadist groups are blending with banditry, which itself stems from farmer-herder conflicts and has become organised crime. This fluid threat demands a comprehensive strategy recognising these symbiotic relationships for lasting stability.
Economic fallout from insecurity exacerbates poverty and unemployment, fuelling recruitment into criminal and extremist groups. This vicious cycle is evident in abandoned farms, rising food prices, and high youth unemployment rate—all combining to push millions into despair, particularly in the north. Insecurity deters foreign investment, displaces populations, and weakens institutions, and further entrenches poverty. Thus, economic interventions are critical security measures.
Unravelling Nigeria's insecurity reveals layers of historic grievances, economic disenfranchisement, ethnic tensions, porous borders, and governance failures. These are not one-off issues but a hydra-headed problem, complicated and frustratingly immune to simplistic explanations.
Profound wealth disparities and widespread poverty, especially in northern Nigeria, fuel insecurity. Economic marginalisation and the crisis of youth unemployment foster alienation, creating recruitment grounds for criminal and extremist groups. Social inequalities and the urban-rural divide exacerbate poverty and disenfranchisement. Arguably, the Tinubu administration’s economic reforms, like fuel subsidy removal and currency liberalisation, have worsened the situation, leading to surging headline inflation[13] (currently at 22.97% from its peak at about 34%. The food inflation rate for the same month was 21.14% on a year-on-year basis.) Nigeria continues to experience its worst cost-of-living crisis in nearly three decades. This dilemma highlights how necessary structural adjustments can, in the short term, worsen socio-economic conditions, fuelling new grievances and invariably triggering insecurity.
Another contributing factor is the deeply entrenched corruption, which undermines development and erodes public trust. The security apparatus is equally under-equipped, under-trained, and sometimes compromised. According to the National Security Adviser, Ribadu,[14] and the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa[15], some personnel are allegedly complicit in crimes like gun racketeering, banditry, and kidnapping. Several surveys have also indicated increasing corruption even in the judiciary, leading to manipulated cases, delayed proceedings, and arbitrary decisions. This collapses legal certainty, eroding public faith and potentially leading to "self-help" and lawlessness. Corruption systemically amplifies insecurity, compromising security and justice institutions, fostering impunity, and eroding trust. Anti-corruption measures are thus fundamental security imperatives.
Nigeria's poorly managed ethnic and religious diversity is also a persistent source of tension. Poor land governance and administration as well as unattended to resource competition escalates into inter-communal clashes, especially farmer-herder conflicts in the North Central region, which is largely about livelihoods but often wrongly framed as religious because of the religious identities of the farmers and the herders. Historical injustices and perceived marginalisation equally fuel resentment. Ineffective measures to monitor especially regional protocols that allow open border routes for herder migration, exacerbate identity-based grievances, eroding trust and fuelling violence. Effective conflict resolution requires equitable, neutral governance and coordinated attempt at addressing resource scarcity.
A major issue implicated in the growing insecurity in the country is Nigeria's extensive and poorly controlled land borders—4,477 km in total, shared with Chad (87 km), Benin (773 km), Niger (1,497 km), and Cameroon (1,690 km). These porous borders are exploited by terrorist and criminal groups for illegal cross-border activities, including the trafficking of arms and ammunition. Terrorist and bandit groups leverage their links with organisations in the Sahel to acquire sophisticated weapons, strengthening their capabilities and enabling them to confront security forces and capture weapons. A 2019 UN estimate indicates the presence of at least 3.3 million to 3.6 million illicit small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, which significantly contributes to the high levels of violence[16]. Despite efforts by the security agencies, this uncontrolled flow of weaponry directly fuels the various forms of insecurity plaguing the country.
An Assessment of Current Operational and Policy Responses
Despite ongoing efforts, some of which were listed above, the persistent and worsening insecurity indicates significant limitations in current response strategies. Here, we conduct an assessment of major operational and policy responses under the current administration.
A. Security Forces’ Operations
Security forces’ operations (kinetic and non-kinetic) remain largely uncoordinated with no clear demarcation between strategic, operational and tactical measures and operators. National security and defence strategies are yet to be reviewed and updated and fail to reflect evolving and dynamic security challenges. Added to these are the traditional challenges of lack of synergy, cooperation, coordination and collaboration, which continue to limit the achievement of improved national security despite the administration’s commitment and ongoing robust security forces operations.
The Nigerian military's operations (e.g. Hadin Kai, Fansam Yamma, Harbin Kunama, Accord, Lake Sanity) against banditry and ideological insurgent groups such as Jama’tu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) have achieved tactical successes, including the killings of insurgent commanders and operatives, the destruction of camps, recovery of arms, and rescue of hostages. But the same cannot be said of the strategic objectives as contained in Nigeria’s security and defence policy instruments, such as the National Defence Policy and the National Counter Terrorism Strategy.
This inability to achieve strategic objectives is a clear demonstration that kinetic-heavy approaches have limitations. Security forces’ efforts still lack civilian acceptance in some parts and still struggle with decentralised insurgent and bandit groups. Avoidable harm to civilians is a critical challenge, exemplified by the December 2023 drone strike that killed 88 civilians in Kaduna State. Violence against non-combatants is almost always entirely counterproductive, limiting public trust and intelligence gathering. Military failures are also linked to ineffective intelligence and poor soldier welfare. Focusing exclusively on short-term gains overlooks long-term peace, as combat alone cannot resolve instability. This creates a strategic disconnect, where force can undermine legitimacy and cooperation.
The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has shown commitment through successful operations such as rescues of kidnap victims, arrests of criminals, and recovery of arms. Despite these successes, the NPF is weakened by institutional corruption, challenges around staff welfare and inadequacy of required logistics. Anti-kidnapping efforts are undermined by alleged collusion and complicity of some security personnel. The administration’s anti-ransom ban faces significant challenges in compliance as families pay ransoms due to perceived security failures. These systemic weaknesses compromise the NPF's effectiveness.
The inability to effectively monitor financial transactions and regulate the shadow economy remains a critical vulnerability that continues to fuel insecurity in Nigeria, enabling money laundering, the flow of illicit funds, and terrorism financing, often with strong links to international criminal gangs.
B. Policy Initiatives and Implementation Hurdles
The administration has initiated some good policies. But these policy initiatives face significant implementation hurdles:
- Anti-Ransom Policies: The government's anti-ransom policy, though well-intentioned, faces compliance challenges as families often pay due to perceived security failures, risking underreporting and harm to hostages.
- Increasing School Enrolment and Addressing Out of School Children Challenge: The National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education (NCAOOSC), which could help in ensuring vulnerable children are not recruited by armed groups to perpetrate violence is yet to take off fully. Funding challenges and its structure at the federal level with very little linkages to subnational structures limits its effectiveness.
- Livestock Management Plans: Initiatives like NLTP and RUGA, which have now been subsumed under the newly created Ministry of Livestock Development, aimed at reducing farmer-herder conflicts through ranching, have largely failed due to opposition, distrust, and land ownership concerns. The absence of an evaluation to determine the reasons for this failure and perceived bias and new tensions from anti-open grazing laws highlight a significant policy-implementation gap.
- Social Welfare Programmes: A conditional cash transfer programme[17], designed to provide relief to 15 million families from the negative impact of the petrol subsidy removal, has only benefited approximately 5.6 million households as of 30 April 2025. Representing 37% of the original target, these are the households that had received at least one tranche of direct transfers. Recent efforts, including the revalidation of 2.3 million individuals or households through biometric processes by May 2025, aim to accelerate disbursements.
- Cybersecurity Legislation: Cybercrime continues to grow in Nigeria as the Cybercrimes Act 2015 (amended 2023), remains challenged by structural and institutional issues. In addition, critics cite concerns over the use of the law to suppress free speech and for political interests and argue amendments are insufficient to prevent censorship and intimidation.
Many of the policies falter due to insufficient resources, top-down approaches, and lack of public buy-in. Effective policy delivery requires integrating local perspectives and stakeholder engagement to avoid resistance. The Cybercrimes Act exemplifies how legislation can inadvertently erode press freedom and fuel agitation, underscoring the need for comprehensive impact assessments to prevent new problems or exacerbated grievances.
Strategic Recommendations for Pathways to Sustainable Security
Addressing Nigeria's complex insecurity challenge requires a holistic and integrated approach that combines robust security measures (to contain the violence) with comprehensive socio-economic, governance, and justice sector reforms, all underpinned by strong community engagement and dedicated victim support.
Short-Term Measures
- Containing the Violence: This should be done through a robust country-wide security forces operation that involves both military and para-military as well as intelligence organisations targeting criminal gangs, their supply chain and hideouts. To achieve this, strategic managers should develop a clear pathway that guides and holds accountable tactical-level operatives.
The role of federal and subnational security structures should be clearly defined with parameters for reviewing performances and for effective and efficient coordination. This further means embedding a clear success assessment measurement and exit strategy.
Securing the country is not just about deploying more boots on the ground, as important as this can be. It is about ensuring that all the institutions charged with protecting Nigerians are held accountable and that they do so within a framework that upholds the Constitution, respects fundamental freedoms, and earns public trust.
A highly effective, coordinated intelligence system and effective and efficient monitoring of financial transactions including in the shadow economy is critical for proactive operations. Security forces must be proactive and take measures to prevent criminals from access to funds, weapons and recruitment of new members. The security forces must also prevent the movement and mobility of criminal groups, confine them to specific locations to allow for impactful operations. They must also prioritise civilian harm reduction, emphasizing ground troops over indiscriminate airstrikes and those engendered by ethnic profiling. Making amends for past violence fosters trust and cooperation, which are indispensable strategic assets for counter-insurgency and intelligence.
It is also important to consider delineating, consolidating and merging security agencies (an example is to harmonise the functions of ministries of interior and police affairs and to ensure that the Customs is added to the new structure that has a homeland security mandate). In this regard, reducing interagency competition and resource wastage will be vital. Enhanced regional and international cooperation will also be essential for tackling cross-border threats, terrorism, and arms proliferation. - Enhancement in Security Sector Governance and Reforms: Security Sector Governance (SSG) and Security Sector Reform (SSR) are critical Nigeria’s capacity to achieving sustainable security and consolidating its democracy. SSG encompasses the structures, processes, values, and attitudes that shape decisions and their implementation within the security domain. Its core principles include democratic civilian control, adherence to the rule of law, robust accountability and oversight mechanisms, transparency, effectiveness, efficiency, and a profound respect for human rights and gender equality.
Security Sector Reform must be holistic—addressing legal frameworks, institutional capacities, professional standards, community engagement, and oversight mechanisms. Fundamental security sector reform is imperative, requiring increase but transparency in public spending. Beyond adequate budgetary provision, structural and cultural reforms are also needed: merit-based recruitment, right-sizing, and aggressive anti-corruption measures to professionalise the under-equipped, under-trained, and compromised apparatus. Robust mechanisms for investigating unlawful acts by personnel are crucial for accountability and public trust.
To improve on security sector governance, the president should ensure that all constitutional platforms (such as the National Security Council), are fully utilised. He also needs to emphasize consequence management and financial/operation accountability. He should also consider appointing an experienced and competent aide in the Villa whose principal mandate is on SSG and SSR and who reports directly to him.
Medium and Long-Term Measures
- Addressing Root Causes through Socio-Economic and Governance Reforms
A coordinated federal, state and local governments approach to addressing socio-economic drivers of insecurity requires comprehensive reforms for inclusive economic growth and reduced inequalities. Sustainable development policies must prioritise social welfare, equitable resource distribution, and aggressive job creation, especially for the youth. Economic diversification is also crucial. Recognising poverty and disparities as root causes redefines development as a core security strategy, aimed at directly countering the appeal of criminal and extremist groups to economic vulnerable individuals.
Resolute political will is needed to combat corruption, a major root of insecurity, by strengthening and enforcing anti-corruption laws without interference. Pervasive corruption, especially in the judiciary and security forces, demands multi-faceted reforms beyond punitive measures. Enhancing salaries and working conditions for police and judges, alongside severe punishment for those found culpable, can minimise corruption. Transparency and public oversight in judicial finances will also be vital.
Equitable access to education, healthcare, and basic services is essential for social mobility and for reducing sense of marginalisation. Investment is needed in rural infrastructure, which hinders access to markets, education, and healthcare. Peace education should also be prioritised to foster harmony and coexistence. - Strengthening the Justice System and Rule of Law
An effective, impartial justice system is a fundamental pillar of national security, crucial for deterring crime, holding perpetrators accountable, and rebuilding public confidence, thereby reducing "self-help" tendencies.
Swift apprehension, prosecution, and accountability for all perpetrators will be critical. This requires strengthening the investigative capacities of law enforcement agencies and improved collaboration with judicial authorities to speed up trials and secure convictions. Addressing "unpunished crimes" is essential to breaking the cycle of impunity, with Special Criminal Offense Tribunals proving more effective than regular courts.
The Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) and its state equivalents (ACJLs) have reduced criminal case delays and improved conviction rates but a lot more is still required to improve efficiency and access to justice. These reforms need institutionalisation and consistent application via National Minimum Standards (NMS) and Peer Review Scorecards (PRS) for uniform implementation. Improved coordination among justice sector actors (police, Ministry of Justice, judiciary, correctional services) is vital, with transparency and accountability enhanced by publishing performance reports and compliance scorecards. Robust accountability mechanisms, including disciplinary processes, are crucial to enforce legal standards and professionalism. Aggressively tackling pervasive judicial corruption is paramount to restore public trust and impartiality, as lack of accountability encourages impunity and reduces trust. - Fostering Community Engagement and Conflict Resolution
Immediate investment in peacebuilding, especially along ethnic and religious fault lines, is urgent. A holistic approach integrating security forces responses with robust community engagement is essential. Peace education is a potent tool for conflict prevention. Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms (mediation, conciliation, negotiation) should be widely used for communal conflicts, particularly land and resource disputes. Community-based conflict resolution, emphasizing dialogue and consensus, has proven effective in Africa. For farmer-herder conflicts, a collaborative policy involving all stakeholders (farmers, herders, religious and traditional institutions, government) is recommended to foster dialogue and trust. Resource conflict resolution must shift to collaborative frameworks ensuring equitable distribution and stakeholder involvement to build trust and mutual benefit.
Equipping and supervising local communities for self-protection, aligned with statutory forces, is crucial. Empowering civilian defence groups (e.g., CJTF in Borno) and promoting community policing (e.g., Operation Puff Adder) can enhance local security and build trust. Fostering community resilience against banditry and terrorism is vital. This emphasis on local empowerment and integration of community perspectives highlights that sustainable security relies on local ownership and "bottom-up" solutions.
Inclusive early warning systems engaging local communities and citizen participation will enhance capacity to act on time. Integrating GIS and other technologies can predict and prevent conflicts by providing real-time data on resources and migration.
And to ensure effectiveness, a response strategy that incorporates a system of command-and-control centres at the federal and subnational levels that are integrated to all the ministries, departments and agencies in the security sector must be evolved and sustained and should cover the 774 LGAs. Simulation exercises should be undertaken to test the efficiency of the response mechanisms ensuring that they are achieved within seven to 15 minutes. - Prioritising Victim Support and Rehabilitation
Insecurity inflicts profound trauma on victims and families. Comprehensive victim support is critically needed, including psychological counselling, medical care, and financial assistance. Trauma-informed care (e.g., CBT, Narrative Therapy, Family Therapy, Art Therapy, Mindfulness) is essential for addressing PTSD, anxiety, depression, and emotional healing. Financial aid, including scholarships for kidnapped students, is crucial for academic continuity. A victims' trust fund, as stipulated in the 2015 anti-trafficking law, should be implemented. Extensive documentation of victim impacts underscores that comprehensive support is vital for national security and peacebuilding, as unaddressed trauma perpetuates violence and hinders societal recovery.
Support programmes must facilitate victims' recovery and reintegration. Community rehabilitation and engagement are crucial for rebuilding lives, supporting education, fostering social cohesion, and reducing stigma. Religious and community leaders have played a significant role in trauma response, especially where government interventions are lacking, highlighting the importance of leveraging existing social capital and non-state actors for localised, trusted support. - Leveraging Technology and Enhancing Border Security
Border security should be enhanced through the required structural and institutional reforms that would hold Nigeria Immigration Service and Nigeria Customs accountable. A border management system that integrates people, technology and systems must be evolved.
Technology can enhance security operations through increased deployment of surveillance (CCTV, drones) on transport networks for crime detection. In cybersecurity, Nigerian businesses need AI-powered solutions against sophisticated attacks, creating opportunities for indigenous tool developers. However, technology's effectiveness depends on ethical implementation, economic feasibility, and safeguards against unintended consequences, as seen in the race between AI-powered cyberattacks and AI-driven defence and the Cybercrimes Act's misuse for censorship. The deployment of technology should be tied to broader policy and governance.
Effective border monitoring is paramount due to porous borders exploited for illegal migration and arms proliferation. Technology like SIM-National ID integration can disrupt kidnappers' communication networks, if faithfully implemented.
Conclusion: A Holistic and Integrated Approach Needed for Enhanced and Sustained Security
The recent deterioration of insecurity in Nigeria is a complex, multi-dimensional crisis rooted in deep socio-economic disparities, systemic governance failures, and ethno-religious tensions, exacerbated by porous borders and the proliferation of arms. As demonstrated, isolated military or policy interventions have proven insufficient. Sustainable security demands a comprehensive and coordinated national strategy that integrates security sector reform, socio-economic and governance reforms, justice system strengthening, robust community engagement, and dedicated victim support.
Achieving lasting peace and security in Nigeria requires ensuring that unwavering political will and sustained commitment from the highest levels of government manifest in effective security sector governance and security sector reform. This involves overcoming resistance from those who benefit from the status quo, fostering a shift in mindset from symptom to cause, and making long-term investments in peacebuilding and institutional integrity. The ultimate goal is to build a resilient Nigeria where peace emerges not merely from the absence of violence, but from the presence of just institutions, economic opportunity, social cohesion, and empowered communities. This holistic approach is essential for transforming Nigeria’s security landscape and ensuring a stable and prosperous future for all Nigerians.
*Dr. Kabir Adamu, an enterprise security risk and intelligence consultant, is the Managing Director of Beacon Consulting and Intelligence Limited.
[1] https://beaconsecurityintel.com/
[3] https://beaconsecurityintel.com/
[5] https://www.economicsandpeace.org/reports/
[6] https://nannews.ng/2024/12/18/kidnapping-incidence-estimated-at-2-2m-cases-nbs/
[7] https://von.gov.ng/boko-haram-nigerian-president-orders-security-agencies-to-intensify-offensive/
[8] https://x.com/aonanuga1956/status/1915138667527757982
[9] https://caliber.az/en/post/nigeria-says-boko-haram-decimated-as-13-500-killed-124-000-surrender-under-tinubu
[10] https://dailytrust.com/full-speech-tinubus-second-anniversary-broadcast/
[11] https://statehouse.gov.ng/news/remarks-by-president-tinubu-at-the-signing-of-the-2025-budget/
[12] https://tribuneonlineng.com/how-politicians-weaponised-insecurity-in-nigeria-ngozi-okonjo-iweala/
[13] https://www.nigerianstat.gov.ng/
[14] https://www.channelstv.com/2024/10/17/ribadu-accuses-policemen-soldiers-of-selling-arms-to-criminals/
[15] https://guardian.ng/news/cds-links-military-saboteurs-to-benue-massacre-ahead-of-tinubus-visit/
[16] https://thenationonlineng.net/we-must-control-illicit-arms-to-defeat-terrorism-says-ribadu/
